Halal Economics and the Myth of Religious Takeover

By Baba El-Yakubu

Citizen Bolaji O. Akinyemi’s essay, “Halal: Tomorrow’s Celebration May Plant Tomorrow’s Crisis,” published on The Eagle Online, deserves commendation—for creativity, not clarity. It is a masterpiece of theological melodrama, constitutional cherry-picking, and selective amnesia about how global economics actually works. If it were a movie, it would be titled “How to Misread a Trade Policy and Call It a Jihad.”

Akinyemi warns that the unveiling of Nigeria’s National Halal Economy Strategy will “touch our rights, our identity, and even our future.” One might think the President was about to proclaim Nigeria an Islamic caliphate from Aso Rock. In reality, the initiative simply aims to help Nigerian businesses access a $1 trillion global market—one that requires Halal certification as a technical trade prerequisite, not a religious confession. The same way the European Union demands organic certification or China insists on phytosanitary standards, Halal certification ensures access to specific consumer markets. These are trade gateways, not gospel crusades. To fear that exporting beef, pharmaceuticals, or cosmetics to Muslim-majority countries will turn Nigeria into a theocracy is both misplaced and mildly comical.

The author waves Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution like garlic against vampires: “The government shall not adopt any religion as State religion.” Indeed! But where did the Halal initiative say, “Nigeria hereby adopts Islam as its State religion”? Nowhere. By that logic, if Nigeria hosts a Christian Pilgrims Commission, funds the Nigerian Interfaith Council, or observes Christmas and Eid as public holidays, should we accuse the state of adopting two religions at once? Section 10 prohibits religious imposition, not religious participation in trade or culture. Akinyemi’s argument is not constitutionalism—it’s constitutional paranoia.

He reminds Muslims that “Islam teaches that there is no compulsion in religion.” Correct—and no one is being compelled. The Halal framework doesn’t force anyone, Muslim or non-Muslim, to live or trade by Islamic law. It is voluntary and market-driven. Ironically, it is Akinyemi who attempts to compel the government not to explore this lawful opportunity, because it offends his theological sensibilities. The irony writes itself.

Even more absurd is his attempt to liken the Halal policy to Boko Haram’s ideology. Boko Haram rejected modernity and destroyed schools; the Halal economy seeks to build industries, jobs, and exports. To conflate both because of an Arabic word is like blaming Apple Inc. for the fall of man in Genesis. Comparing terrorism with trade is intellectual mischief—an insult to logic and to victims of terror. Nigeria’s problem is not the word Halal; it is our chronic inability to see opportunity without suspicion.

The author’s lament about “Christian grief” ignores that poverty in Nigeria knows no denomination. The Halal initiative is one of many frameworks—alongside blue, green, and digital economy strategies—designed to diversify income sources. If the government launched a Kosher Export Plan to target Jewish markets, would that be “Hebraization”? If Nigeria promoted Halal Tourism to attract Arab investors, would that be “religious imperialism”? Should we ban “Ramadan Rice” or “Easter Chicken” sales because of religious connotations? Some discover their devotion to “religious neutrality” only when the opportunity smells like Arab money.

Section 38 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, including the right of Muslims to conduct their economic activities in ways consistent with their moral codes—and the government’s right to facilitate such participation, so long as no one is coerced. By opposing Halal-based frameworks, Akinyemi ironically undermines Muslim economic rights. The intolerance he warns against is the one he practices.

The phrase “National Halal Economy” seems to give him sleepless nights. He’d prefer “Halal Export Development Strategy.” Fine. But if the word “national” offends him, should we rename the National Christian Pilgrims Commission to “Voluntary Christian Tourist Office”? Or rename the National Hajj Commission the “Private Muslim Travel Desk”? Semantics don’t change economics.

Akinyemi signs off as an “Apostle and Nation Builder.” Admirable titles—but apostles build with wisdom, not alarmism. His warnings of “constitutional crisis,” “political consequences,” and even “impeachment” over a trade policy that encourages certified exports are melodramatic at best. Malaysia’s Halal industry employs thousands of Christians. Indonesia’s certification agency includes non-Muslims. Nobody lost their faith; they gained foreign exchange.

The real crisis is not the Halal initiative but our collective inability to separate religion as faith from religion as a market identity in global commerce. Nigeria’s loudest critics of “division” are often its most eager amplifiers of it. The Federal Government’s attempt to earn revenue through Halal trade should inspire pride, not panic. If this policy sparks fear rather than excitement, perhaps the problem is not in Aso Rock, but in our own limited understanding of modern economics.

Akinyemi’s piece is a sermon in search of a scandal. His use of scripture and constitution is poetic but not persuasive. His fears are emotional, not empirical. And his conclusion—that Halal trade equals religious takeover—belongs more to pulp fiction than public policy. To paraphrase his title, “Tomorrow’s Celebration May Plant Tomorrow’s Prosperity.” And if that prosperity happens to be Halal—lawful, permissible, and profitable—then the only thing truly haram is ignorance.

Let the Apostle keep his pulpit; the government must keep its focus. Nigeria cannot pray its way into prosperity—it must trade its way there. If that trade happens to be Halal-compliant, so be it. The Constitution will survive, the Republic will endure, and perhaps, if we are lucky, the road to national peace will begin not in paranoia but in prosperity. Fear must never be a national policy.

The Halal economy is not a theological experiment. It is an economic strategy. Those who mistake opportunity for oppression should be pitied, not followed. The Federal Government should move ahead decisively—for the benefit of Muslims, non-Muslims, and the Nigerian economy as a whole.

Professor Baba El-Yakubu

Department of Chemical Engineering, Ahmadu Bello University, Email: [email protected]