Polo, Politics, and the Dasuki Family
By Yushau A. Shuaib
It is both shameful and appalling that despite the prolonged persecution of the Dasuki family—from the dethronement of Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki, to the harassment of his offspring under General Sani Abacha, forcing some into exile, and the humiliation of Sambo Dasuki under former President Muhammadu Buhari—a fresh wave of media trials has resurfaced through an investigative report in a U.S. tabloid funded through grants.
The recent report titled “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo”, published by The Post and Courier, examines how Aiken, South Carolina, a historic enclave for wealthy horse enthusiasts, has become a destination for international figures with controversial pasts, including those accused of money laundering and corruption.
While such investigative reports may be well-intentioned, their reliance on grants and donations often raises questions about their independence, depth, and objectivity. For instance, the report fixates on Sambo Dasuki, Nigeria’s former National Security Adviser, alleging that his purchase of Green Hill Farms in the early 2000s involved funds channeled through shell companies in the Bahamas and Hong Kong.
Aiken has long been a retreat for the wealthy, dating back to the 19th century when affluent personalities sought refuge from harsh climates and diseases. Its sandy terrain made it ideal for polo, attracting elite families. Today, it remains a hub for international horse lovers, including billionaires from Dubai, Russia, and Nigeria.
However, the narrative took a deliberate turn when the report linked Dasuki to Aiken, stating that he purchased Green Hill Farms in 2002 (23 years ago) for $950,000 in an apparent cash deal, allegedly raising red flags regarding the transaction’s legitimacy. The report also claimed that his wife, Farida, attempted to secure an EB-5 “golden visa” by asserting that the farm would be used for a horse-breeding business—a request allegedly denied due to questions surrounding the source of funds. Nowhere in the report, however, was it stated that Dasuki or his family faced any formal investigation regarding the purchase.
How does a legitimate business transaction from 23 years ago—nearly a decade before Dasuki was appointed National Security Adviser—suddenly become breaking news, especially when no U.S. authority is probing it?
What is particularly troubling is the deliberate attempt to link this 2002 transaction to Dasuki’s 2015 arrest in Nigeria, where he was accused of embezzling $2.1 billion meant to combat Boko Haram. This tenuous connection, spanning over a decade, is misleading and reeks of sensationalism and calculated mischief.
Surprisingly, other media outlets latched onto that angle and further distorted the story, cherry-picking sensational elements to attract readership. The entire report appears to be a rehash of the long-standing persecution of Sambo Dasuki and his family through media trials.
The report’s biases are glaring. It uses derogatory language to describe Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki, a respected public figure, distinguished diplomat, and successful businessman who passed away in 2016 at the age of 92. Including the name of the Sultan appears to be an attempt to tarnish his legacy.
It is necessary to highlight that Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki was a multimillionaire industrialist, banker, and philanthropist who played pivotal roles in Nigeria’s political, religious, and business spheres.
A report from The Los Angeles Times (May 14, 1991) titled “The Sultan of Sokoto Bridges Two Worlds in Nigeria” described him as “a millionaire industrialist and banker.” Educated at Barewa College and Oxford University, he served as a private secretary to Sir Ahmadu Bello, was a Nigerian diplomat in Sudan and Germany, and chaired Nigeria Railways before founding BCCI Nigeria. He held a significant religious role as Secretary-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. He was also known as a collector of rare cars and a breeder of racing and polo horses.
Additionally, The Los Angeles Times noted how, in the early 1990s, Sultan Dasuki personally funded a $2.5 million modernization of the Sokoto palace. This underscores the established wealth of the Dasuki family. The Dasuki lineage includes politicians, public administrators, and successful businesspeople in telecommunications, real estate, shipping, and oil and gas industries.
Yet, the report deliberately ignores these facts, focusing on unverified allegations. If the investigators lacked the resources to travel to Nigeria, they could have conducted thorough research to provide a balanced perspective. Beyond ethical and quality concerns, the investigation lacked thoroughness, as it relied on hearsay regarding Boko Haram’s rise—which began about a decade after the alleged farm purchase.
When Dasuki became National Security Adviser in 2012, the Boko Haram insurgency was at its peak, yet Western powers offered little assistance. It is public knowledge that the U.S. and its allies hindered President Goodluck Jonathan’s counterterrorism efforts, refusing to sell arms to Nigeria under the guise of human rights concerns. This lack of support contributed to Jonathan’s political downfall, paving the way for a new government.
Rather than governing effectively, the new administration launched a selective anti-corruption campaign that demonized opposition figures while shielding its own supporters. The so-called Dasukigate scandal became a tool for political persecution, with campaign financiers of the ruling party granted immunity while opposition figures faced relentless prosecution.
The report’s limited scope and depth further demonstrate its bias. It fails to address the broader context of Dasuki’s tenure as NSA. Despite challenges, under Dasuki’s leadership, the Nigerian military successfully reclaimed more than two dozen towns and communities from Boko Haram. Available records confirm the liberation of numerous towns across Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe States, including Abadam, Askira, Baga, Bama, Bara, Buni Yadi, Damboa, Dikwa, Gamboru-Ngala, Goniri, Gujba, Gulag, Gulani, Gwoza, Hong, Kala Balge, Konduga, Kukawa, Marte, Madagali, Michika, Monguno, Mubi, and Vimtim. Pictorial and video evidence of these military successes, including the rescue of 234 abductees from Sambisa Forest on April 30, 2015, remain publicly available.
While foreign military instructors, often derisively labeled as mercenaries, contributed to these victories, the Nigerian military’s achievements were undeniable. Unfortunately, rather than sustaining these gains, the new administration abandoned crucial security agreements, leading to the resurgence of armed banditry and insurgency in the North-West and North-Central regions. Today, states that were once peaceful, such as Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Kaduna, and Niger, have become epicenters of terrorism—a situation far less pronounced under Dasuki’s leadership.
As the $2.1 billion Dasukigate case remains in court, one can only hope that the Tinubu administration allows the EFCC, under its current chairman Olanipekun Olukoyede, to expose the corruption of past administrations. If properly investigated, the alleged anti-corruption fight of the previous government will be revealed for what it truly was: a targeted assault on political opponents while shielding allies from accountability.
The disjointed narrative of the U.S. tabloid, The Post and Courier, presented in the “UNCOVERED: Power & Polo” report is a disservice to journalism and a blatant attempt to rewrite history. It is high time we moved beyond media trials and focused on facts, fairness, and the pursuit of justice. Like Nigeria’s history, the Dasuki family’s legacy deserves to be treated with respect and integrity.
Yushau A. Shuaib is the Author of An Encounter with the Spymaster [email protected]
